The City of Kuwait
Contemporary Conditions (2009)
Author: Dr. Yasser Mahgoub
Introduction: The Moment and
the Momentum
Money does no make
architecture; human effort does. [1]
The 1st decade of
the 21st century has almost passed and the city state of Kuwait is still
in a state of lull. After the collapse of Saddam Husain’s regime in the
northern neighbour Iraq on
March 2003, Kuwait
was expected to rise quickly and regain its lost prestigious status as the “Jewel
of the Gulf” that it enjoyed during the 1970’s and 1980’s of the 20th
century. It is feared that the stumble block that Kuwait is currently experiencing to
last for an extended period of time. Many big projects are delayed, re-bid or
cancelled due to political and financial circumstances. Repeated parliament and
government resignations and elections is distracting the attention and effort away
from development and construction. The global economic crisis has affected the
ability of developers and contractors to receive cash flow from banks and
financial institutions to complete their projects. Many tower cranes were
stopped and many workers were laid off due to the global economic crisis. The
downfall of oil prices and huge losses of financial investments in world stock
markets has resulted in a freeze of the financial cycle.
The built environment found in
Kuwait
today is a product of decisions made during its early stages of planning and
construction as well as subsequent decisions made during its development and
evolution. It is also a product of regional and global conditions,
circumstances, and situations that Kuwait found itself facing as a
result of its resources, location and international connections. Its crude oil
reserve is estimated to be about 104 billion barrels - 8% of world reserves.
Petroleum accounts for nearly half of GDP, 95% of export revenues, and 80% of
government income. Its $57,400 GPD per capita income (2008 est.) puts it 5 on
the world list. [2] Major impact of world events illustrate this entanglement
with world affairs including its invasion by Iraq and the determination to
liberate it by the world community during the Second Gulf War and its
“involuntary” involvement in the Third Gulf War on Iraq.
Figure 1. Kuwait Map
and Environs. [2]
Part 1: Deconstructing the Past
Following its liberation on
the 26th of February 1991, Kuwait started a reconstruction
process of its badly damaged infrastructure and utilities. Most of its economic
resources were utilized to improve its security and military capabilities. The
continuous existence of the hostile regime of Sadam Hussian in Iraq prevented
the country from diverting its attention away from security and military
priorities. This coincided with major world economic shifts that other cities
in the region, especially Dubai,
benefited from tremendously. The economic development coupled with a
construction boom in the Gulf region during the 1990’s was witnessed with envy
by Kuwait.
Dubai acquired
a world status by attracting world investments through the implementation of
free market trade and open economy strategies. The period between the invasion
of Kuwait in 1990 and end of
Saddam’s regime in Iraq in 2003
witnessed slow development, focus on safety and security and the loss of Kuwait status
as the leader of development and modernization in the region.
Figure 2. Kuwait major events timeline.
The downfall of Kuwait’s
prestigious status started during the 1980s with the stock market collapse and
the decline of oil prices that slowed down the process of development and
construction. The 8-year First Gulf War between Iran
and Iraq
during 1980s threatened the security of the whole Gulf region and diverted the
attention towards security. Kuwait
had to bear the financial burdens of supporting Iraq during the war. [3] The
economic crisis was followed by the invasion of Kuwait
by Iraq
on the 2nd of August 1990. During their retreat, the Iraqi Armed
Forces practiced a scorched earth policy by setting fire to Kuwaiti oil wells.
The fires took over nine months to fully extinguish, and the cost of repair of
oil infrastructure exceeded $5 billion. The damage was also inflicted on a
large variety of building types such as; mosques, government buildings,
palaces, public buildings and markets as well as architecture landmarks. [4]
[5] [6] Private property, houses, hotels, office buildings, university
buildings and schools were also subject to vandalism and destruction.
During the 1970’s, Kuwait has reached
the climax of its maturity as newly established state built with oil revenues according
to state of the art urban planning and architecture design practices. The 1973
Middle East War caused sharp increase of oil prices and income for Kuwait to
initiate a second phase development and modernization. While Kuwait was not
directly affected by the war, it benefited from the increase of oil prices that
followed the oil embargo to finance its construction plans. Kuwait was the main point of entry of
modernization to other Gulf countries; such as Dubai,
Bahrain, Qatar and Abu
Dhabi. It was the Gulf idol for other emerging
countries and participated in shaping their modernization and development.
International architects were invited
to design landmark buildings in Kuwait.
They included: Kenzo Tange, Jorn Utzon, Reima Pietila, Arne Jacobsen, Michel
Ecochard and Lindstorm, Egnell and Bjorn. This practice facilitated the
dissemination of global trends. The architects employed their own way of
thinking that reflected international trends at that time to design buildings
in Kuwait.
[1] [3] [6] For example, the design of The Parliament Building by Jorn Utzon started
in 1978 and was completed in 1985. The building resembles an Arabian tent, as a
symbol of hospitality, open to all visitors oriented towards the Gulf to catch
the cooling breeze from the sea. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs by Reima
Pietila began in 1973 and was completed in 1983. [6] The architects developed
an innovative solution providing a stylistic progression from the traditional
to the post-modern forms. They respected the height and style of the existing traditional
building and used soft, yellow colour of indigenous housing for the exterior
walls. They applied several climatic solutions to provide shaded exterior
spaces while admitting air to interior space. [1] Kuwait
Towers by Malene Bjorn, the most
important landmark on the Gulf
Road in Kuwait, was inaugurated on February
26, 1977. [7] Water is contained in a sculptural form that imitates the
traditional Arabian perfume containers. The project is composed of three
towers; two towers are used as water containers and the third is a lighting
pole. The tallest is 180
meters high and contains 4,500 m3 water reservoir,
a 90 guests restaurant, and a rotating observatory. The second tower is 140 meters high and is
used only as a water reservoir. The spheres are “covered with enamelled plates
of steel painted in colour scheme of blues, greens and greys.
Figure 3. Parliament
Building.
Figure 4. Kuwait Towers.
The fact that most public
buildings in Kuwait were designed by foreign architects and firms was a result
of absence of qualified local architects and firms that could handle projects
of that size. There were not many native architects nor workers to handle this
massive amount of work. Many architects and construction workers were brought
from different parts of the world. They were asked to design and construct all
new buildings and projects needed at that time. They utilized their knowledge
and expertise in design, construction and materials to produced designs that
address the needs and aspirations of their Kuwaiti clients. The integration of
traditional elements into the modern design was intended to relate their design
to a particular locality and region. The need to develop these landmark
projects was realised after the implementation of the 1st Master
Plan during the Sixties, the period of rapid construction and development
following Kuwait’s independence from Britain in 1961. Demolition of the
traditional houses and the replacement of defensive wall by the 1st
Ring road was followed by implementation of the 1st Master Plan
vision of a modern capital city made of wide roads, governmental and public
buildings while modern residential neighbourhoods were being constructed
outside the wall. [8] The city continued to expand, more neighbourhoods were
added, and roads expanded. Ring roads were constructed to annex more desert
land to the urban area. An industrial area was established in Shuwaikh to the
west and a shopping and entertainment area was established in Salmiyah to the
east. The city stretched along the coastal strip limited by the water of the
Gulf to the north and east and oil fields to the south and west. The
neighbourhoods of private housing lacked entertainment activities during the
evening, while the commercial neighbourhoods of Salmiyah, Farwaniya and
Hawalli, which contain shopping and housing for expatriates, are more lively
and full of activities during the evening.
Figure 5. Buildings of the Sixties and
Seventies.
The First Master Plan for Kuwait
was developed in 1952 by the British firm Minoprio, Spencely and Macfarlane. [9]
The planners’ main objectives were to illustrate and describe the improvements
which they considered necessary for the development of Kuwait in accordance
with the highest standards of “modern town planning.” The matters which the
consultants regarded as being of primary importance in the re-planning of the
town were: (a) the provision of a modern road system appropriate to the traffic
conditions in Kuwait, (b) the location of suitable zones for public buildings,
industry, commerce, schools, and other purposes, (c) the choice of zones for
new houses and other buildings needed in residential areas, both inside and
outside the town wall, (d) the selection of sites for parks, sports ground,
school playing fields and other open spaces, (e) the creation of a beautiful
and dignified town centre, (f) the planting of trees and shrubs along the
principal roads and at other important points in the town, and (g) the
provision of improved main roads linking Kuwait with the adjoining towns and
villages. The Plan called for the demolition of the old houses inside the old
wall to give way for new roads and public buildings. Modern residential
neighbourhoods were built outside the old wall. Only a few historic monuments
have been preserved, few mosques have been saved from demolition, and many
traditional houses have been replaced with modern structures.
Figure 6. The 1st Master
Plan.
Before the discovery of oil, Kuwait
was a vernacular settlement located on the southern shore of the Kuwait creek
north of the Gulf composed of courtyard houses built using mud brick along
narrow alleys. The courtyard was an important feature that provided shelter
from harsh climate as well as safety and privacy for the family. [10] The city was
surrounded from the south by a semi-circular defensive wall with several gates.
The wall was the third in a series of concentric walls that were built during
different periods of history to defend the city from tribal attacks. The first
wall was built in 1760 with an approximate length of 750 metres when the town
area was about 11.275 hectares. The second wall was built in 1811 and was
approximately 2300 metres long and the town area was about 72.4 hectares.
Finally, the third wall was built in 1921 and was approximately 6400 metres and
had five gates. The town area was then about 750 hectares.
Figure 7. Pictures of old Kuwait before
the discovery of oil.
After the discovery of oil
during the 1940s, Kuwait entered an unprecedented phase of development and
construction. Kuwait utilized its oil wealth to construct a modern city to
replace its old traditional settlement. The economic prosperity permitted the
introduction of modernization through master planning. The short history of the
modern state of Kuwait is an example of the early impact of globalization that
was followed on other Gulf countries during the second half of the 20th
century. [11] While some countries were positively influenced by shifts in
world economies and dependency on oil; i.e. Dubai and enjoyed rapid development
and world attentions, others; i.e. Kuwait, were negatively influenced by global
conflicts and economic dependency. Kuwait will remain at the centre of global
conflicts with remaining tensions between Iran and the West that is likely to
escalate as Iran insistence on developing its nuclear capabilities and fears
that it threatens the whole region. Its unclear whether this condition will
result a more balanced condition or another global conflict that will ignite
another regional conflict.
Part 2: Contemporary
Environment in Kuwait
Urban development in Kuwait is
confined to a narrow strip of land along the Gulf coast covering no more than
8% of its small 17,820 sq km territory. The mighty Burgan oil filed and Kuwait
international airport are obstructing possibilities for development west into
the desert, and security conditions prevented development in the northern
region. The Arabian Gulf Road is the major attraction for all residents of Kuwait.
Its landscaped areas, restaurants, marinas, landmarks, and shopping malls attract
citizens and residents away from the monotonous residential areas. It extended
south to oil port of Shuaiba and north to the commercial port of Shuwaikh,
where it ends with the Oil Sectors Complex designed by the late renowned
architect Arthur Erickson. At “Ras Elard” in Slamiya, the state of the art
Scientific Centre design by C7A, hosting one of the best aquariums in the
world, is located. It provides another example of incorporating modern
functions with local expression. The building hosts sophisticated technologies
within spaces and forms derived from Arab and Islamic architecture; solid walls
from the outside with the broken axis and the tent covering the entrance. Along
the Gulf road many fast food and stand alone restaurants provide a “collage” of
architecture styles and characters. They include: Hard Rock Café, Le Noter,
Ayam Zaman, KFC, Burj Al Hamam, Fridays, McDonalds, Chillies, and others. The
names and images of these restaurants are providing a good façade of
globalization for Kuwait. The Arabian Gulf Road suffers traffic congestions and
crowdedness, especially during the weekends and rush hours. Further south,
beyond Shuaiba oil port, informal construction of private chalets covered the
coast all the way to the borders of Saudi Arabia.
Figure 8. Water front development.
Figure 9. Oil Sectors Complex west of Gulf
Road
Figure 10. Scientific Centre east of Gulf
Road
Figure 11. Waterfront restaurants.
The latest national census
conducted in 2005 indicated that the population of Kuwait was 2,866,888,
including 1,893,602 (66%) non-Kuwaiti. 98% of the population reside in urban
areas that occupies only 8% of the total area of the country. The workforce is
estimated to be 2,213,403 individual, 14% Kuwaiti and 86% non-Kuwaiti. [12] The
non-Kuwaiti workforce, estimated to be 1,332,629 individuals, is composed of 36%
Arabs, 63% Asian and 1% from other countries. The high income promotes life style
only paralleled in other Gulf countries. Kuwaitis enjoy high income from
governmental jobs and government subsidies for food, housing, medical care,
education, etc. Non-Kuwaiti workforce enjoy high income compared to what they
can earn in their own countries. Their interest is to support their families
back home, improve their living conditions and secure their future when they return
to their countries. Due to the bylaws, they are not allowed to purchase assets
in Kuwait, so they divert all their income to their home countries and accept basic
or average living conditions in Kuwait. They are actually living continuously
in two worlds at the same time, accepting harsh present conditions in a promise
to live better living conditions when they go back to their countries. Many of
them end up living all their life in Kuwait and never return home!
Shopping malls constitute an
important part of the contemporary urban experience in Kuwait. The harsh
extreme hot weather, reaching more than 50 degrees centigrade, frequent dust
storms and humidity during the long summer months force individuals to retreat
to large enclosed shopping malls for socialization more than for actual
shopping. The traditional shopping/socialization experience in the downtown Mubarkiya
area, composed of connected shaded marketplaces, was replaced by a modern
shopping/socialization experience inside enclosed air conditioned state of the
art shopping malls. The old Mubarkiya
area remained a shopping destination providing a traditional shopping
experience along with Souq Al Zul Wa Al Bshut, designed by the Kuwaiti
architectural firm Bonyan as a traditional souq composed of shops selling
traditional clothes and Persian rugs, and the renovated Souq Al Tujaar. The
shopping experience in Mubarkiya area relates the shopping experience to the
history of old Kuwait across from Safat square, which was the heart of old
Kuwait city.
Figure 12. Mubarkiya and Souq Alzul.
The first modern shopping experience
was introduced through the arcaded walkways along new downtown streets such as Fahd
Al Salem street. Buildings were composed of four or five floors with shops in
the ground floor along an arcade covering pedestrian walkways. Office and
residential accommodations were provided in the upper floors. This type was
also introduced in Salmiya area along west of Salim Al Mubarak Street. It was
followed by the introduction of large multi-floors complexes that contained
shopping malls in the basement, ground and mezzanine floors, with offices and
residential units in the upper floors. The first exclusive shopping mall was
constructed in Salmiya area along east of Salim Al Mubarak Street. They attract
citizens and expatriates to an exclusive shopping experience close to their
place of residence. The malls are constructed side by side along the street
providing an open street and closed mall experiences at the same time. The
success of these shopping centres promoted the construction of more exclusive
shopping malls along the same street that contained coffee shops, restaurants
and cinemas.
Figure 13. Fahad Al Salem street
arcades.
Figure 14. Salem Al Mubarak street shopping
centres.
The first decade of the 21st
century witnessed the opening of mega shopping malls that incorporated in addition
to shopping, restaurants, and cinemas, large departmental stores and fast food outlets,
marinas, hotels and hyper markets. Souq Sharq was the
first shopping mall to create major attraction along the Gulf. Designed by the
renowned architect Nader Ardalan of the KEO. The Mall applies strategies of
post modern architecture by utilizing traditional elements from Kuwaiti
architecture in a modern language. The longitudinal interconnected 2-floors pathways
host shops and restaurants. It transformed the traditional wind captures (badjirs)
into mechanical rooms for air-conditioning units. The design is criticized for
locating the main view of the mall towards the city and the marina while
locating the parking lots towards the Gulf. The badjirs were also criticized
as “unauthentic” to Kuwaiti traditional architecture.
Figure 15. Souq Sharq development.
Located on the waterfront in
the exclusive shopping district of Salmiya, Marina World is a major shopping
and entertainment development that crosses the Arabian Gulf Road. It is
composed of a shopping mall, restaurants’ complex, hotel and marina for yachts.
It is the second largest shopping and entertainment complex to open in Kuwait. It
opened its first phase in 2002, the second phase in 2004, and the third and
final phase towards the end of 2005. Marina World contains many restaurants,
shops, a convention hall, promenade areas, and a five-star hotel. It is the hot
spot for teenagers and youth in Kuwait. Marina Mall is designed in a neo-classical
Spanish design style. The mall's exterior façade is characterized by its
distinct red, blue, and beige paint, and red roof tiles. The circular Central Plaza
is surrounded by restaurants and cafes. The Plaza's centrepiece is a large,
spectacular glass fountain, and the area is topped with a large glass dome,
equipped with a sail that moves automatically in the direction of the sun. The Marina
Crescent, located directly across the highway from Marina Mall, is composed
entirely of restaurants and gift shops. It is directly linked to the Mall by a
panoramic, 100-meter long, air-conditioned bridge. The Waterfront of Marina
World features the five-star deluxe Marina Hotel, a large marina, three-kilometre
long walking paths, basketball courts, a skate park, the Salwa Sabah Al-Ahmad Theatre
& Hall, and Hard Rock Cafe. Marina Waves is the latest features of Marina
World. It includes services like spa, saloon, gym and as well as some coffee
shops.
Figure 16. Marina Mall
The Avenues is the largest shopping
mall in Kuwait. It became the shopping heaven for all residents of Kuwait since
the opening of its first phase in April 2007. It is located in the Al-Rai
industrial area, along the Fifth Ring Road. The project contains four phases:
phase 1 contains over 150 lifestyle shops, restaurants, cineplex, Carrefour
hypermarket and an IKEA showroom, phase 2 is an extension of phase 1 opened in
2008 adding 100 higher-end shops, a large food court, a large entertainment
complex, an outdoor fountain and outdoor dining venues, phase 3/4 are a much
larger expansion of the mall which will add to it a traditional Arabian souk, a
European-themed Grand Mall, a luxury mall housing top-end brands, a shaded
garden with water features (dubbed 'The Oasis'), two hotels, showrooms and a
conference hall. The mall is expected to have over 900,000 square meters of
usable space upon completion in 2011. In the Fahaheel area, south of Kuwait
city, Al Kut shopping mall, designed by the renowned Jordanian architect Rasem
Badran, represents a trend to utilize traditional architecture vocabulary in
contemporary buildings. The mall is composed of two wings surrounding an
artificial lake overlooking the Gulf. One wing hosts fashion stores, cinemas
and a food court while the other hosts a traditional vegetables and fish
market. Terraces around the central lake provide an excellent relaxing place.
Figure 17. The Avenues shopping mall.
Figure 18. Al Kut shopping mall.
The latest shopping mall to
open in Kuwait is 360 Mall. It opened its doors to customers for the first time
in July 5, 2009. It provides a new shopping experience accompanied by cultural
events. The shape of the mall, as the name implies, is a full circle containing
shops, galleries, departmental stores, cinemas, a hypermarket, restaurants and
cafés. It is connected to a multi-storey car park that provides ambient parking
spaces for customers. The mall is divided into two paths; one representing day
experience and the other representing night experience. The two paths meet at a
three story grand courtyard. The circular exterior wall of the mall is covered
with stone cladding and glass. An interior vertical garden is located along the
south façade providing a unique experience for dining and sitting. Due to
financial conditions many shops are not leased yet but the mall owners decided
to open the mall on time. The mall contains fitness, sports, entertainment,
cultural and shopping amenities that are available for the first time in a
shopping mall in Kuwait.
Figure 19. The 360 Mall.
According to the 1st
master Plan of Kuwait, residential neighbourhoods were constructed outside the
traditional city wall. Typical neighbourhoods were designed to reflect the
ideal image of modern life style of the middle 20th century. They
were composed of wide streets for automobiles leading to individual plots of
lands. At the centre of the neighbourhood, a shopping centre, clinic, police
station and high schools were located. Within the houses blocks, mosques,
public gardens, nursery and elementary schools were located. The plots of land
were used to construct villas according to western style. Building codes and
regulations were developed to guide the construction activities of the houses.
Setbacks, floor area ratio and number of floors were all devised to produce
western style villas. For those who cannot afford to construct their own villas
the government took the responsibility to construct public housing units for
them. Several schemes were employed from plot and loan to completed villas to multi-storey
housing apartments. Provision of housing, health insurance, free education,
secured governmental jobs and other benefits became the means to distribute the
oil wealth to the citizens. As the society developed, housing became a mean to
show off wealth and social status.
Building codes and regulations
became a tool to provide more area and height to construct larger houses.
Several changes aiming at increasing the size of building volume and floor area
ratio were introduced negatively
affected the quality of life inside residential neighbourhoods. The increasing
use of lot area resulted in an inadequate space to accommodate cars inside the
lot and the inability to provide indoor parking garages. This situation forced
the parking of cars on the sidewalks occupying the space assigned for
pedestrians. Due to the harsh summer weather and the need to provide car sheds,
many owners cover the side walks with different types and styles of car sheds
according to their standards and economic ability. They are made of steel corrugated sheets or fabric
canopies and take any shape or color according to the wishes and economic
ability of the owners. The resulting environment in neighbourhoods is very
hostile to pedestrians. It is not possible for pedestrians to use the sidewalks,
they have to use the street for walking exposing themselves to the dangers of
automobiles and service vehicles. The
reduction of setbacks to a mere 1.5m produces building volumes that are no more
than 3 meters apart. This distance is not appropriate to maintain acceptable
levels of privacy. Windows facing each other allowed visual intrusion into
neighboring houses. The absence of any guidelines addressing style and character
of buildings resulted in a mixture of styles adjacent to each other. Building
regulations did not provide any guidelines to enforce the provision of green
areas nor vegetation within or around buildings. Leftover spaces are very small
neither to be developed as landscape areas nor to be used in any useful
function. They are either taken by closest houses as private gardens and
parking areas or used as storage area for boats, cars and other house items.
The community feeling, characteristic of the traditional neighborhood, was not
maintained due to the lack of social contact opportunities or spaces. The
occupation of sidewalks by cars reduced the chances of neighbors meeting or
kids playing in the streets that are not safe for them. The new neighborhood environment
encourages isolation and separation of families and neighbors. Neighbourhoods are
getting more crowded with members of the new generations, more automobiles and
expatriates residing in the once exclusive citizens’ neighbourhoods. [13]
Figure 20. Citizen’s residential
neighbourhoods.
Part 3: Challenges and
Opportunities
Crowdedness, traffic
congestions, insufficient car parking, informal construction of buildings, annexation
of vacant lands, energy shortages are some of the challenges facing the future
of Kuwait’s development. Since 2004, studies forecasted shortage in electric
and water supply as well as traffic congestions to occur in the year 2006.
“Tarsheed”, or conserve, is a campaign to conserve energy during summer month’s
peak hours because demand reaches dangerous levels against the insufficient
supply of electric power. Future developments will require at least twice the
currently produced energy and no clear plans on how this energy will be
produced are in place! Slow decision making process due to bureaucratic and
managerial problems is slowing the implementation of projects and development
plans. As indicated by research studies, the most important managerial problems
are: primacy of personal relationships over work relationships, favoritism and
personal loyalty at work, subjectivity in evaluation and promotion,
unwillingness to shoulder responsibilities, multiplicity of rules and
regulations, rigid and obsolete administrative systems and policies, and
influence of cliques in the workplace. [14] Recent changes to Build-Operate-Transfer
(BOT) bylaws discouraged investors from participating in the construction of
new projects in Kuwait. Several projects were cancelled and others were put on
hold.
One of the major challenges facing
Kuwait’s development is its population composition. Intense dependency on
foreign workers increased the number of expatriates living in Kuwait tremendously.
Among the approximately three-million inhabitants population of Kuwait, 35% are
Kuwaitis, 22% Arabs, 39% Non-Arabs and 4% stateless Arabs; called Bedoun. House
servants, porters and drivers compose the majority of foreign workers come from
South-East Asian countries; Indonesia, Philippine and Indian continent. It is
estimated that 700,000 foreign workers are employed as house servants. Non-Kuwait
population is composed of workers from South East Asian and Arab manual workers
in addition to professionals from Arab, European, North American, and other
countries. Construction workers and shop vendors are mainly from Arab countries
and Iran. This dependency on foreign workers to perform manual work and lower
jobs will impact the future growth of Kuwait. For each Kuwaiti citizen 2
foreign workers are needed; approximately 1 for domestic service and 1 for
other activities. The KMP3R1 predicts that the population of Kuwait will reach
5.4 million by the year 2030. This includes approximately 3 million expats
serving the remaining 1.5 million Kuwaitis!
The expatriates living
conditions is another challenge facing Kuwait. While Kuwaitis depends mainly on
foreign workers to perform all manual work, they were never provided with
adequate living conditions or housing. Until the middle of the current decade,
thousands of low-income, expatriate manual workers, including some 60,000
Egyptian Saiidis – the villagers of Upper Egypt – resided in the southern
neighbourhood of Khetan. The inhabitants lived in crowded living conditions in
converted old courtyard houses that hosted 20 to 25 workers in each house. The
room rent varied between 15 to 45 KD per person depending on the size, location
and number of tenants in the room. Most rooms were shared by more than five
persons making the rent from each house very profitable for the owner. The
living conditions of this marginalized group have deteriorated rapidly,
especially since the Second Gulf War. The same condition was found in Benaid Al
Qar and Murqab areas. The government developed plans to clear the area and move
the inhabitants to a new location, but implementation of this plan is very
slow. Another area accommodating middle class expatriates is called Farwania.
With the start of the demolition of deteriorated houses of Khetan, many of its
residents moved to Faraniya creating more crowded and congested conditions. Higher
class expatriates select Salmaiya and the Gulf Road as their favourite place
for residence or they reside among Kuwaitis in their residential neighbourhoods.
The government has plans to construct housing for foreign workers in the areas
of Shedadiyah and Salibiyah. The shanty towns of Sulaybia, North of Kuwait
city, is occupied by stateless individuals,
called Al-Bedoon, is a major problem that requires major attention. They are
considered illegal residents that fled from neighbouring countries, hiding
their original nationalities in order to benefit from services and benefits
provided to Kuwaiti citizens. While there are attempts to recognize those who
fought for Kuwait during the invasion or served the country by granting them
citizenship and services, the problem of their living conditions in shanty
towns is receiving little attention from the government. This constitutes a
source of internal insecurity as it did in other countries.
Figure 21. Expatriate residential neighbourhoods.
The growing number of tall
buildings under construction in downtown Kuwait city is alarming. Their impact
on the human, natural and built environment is not carefully assessed. The
sustainability of tall buildings and mega-projects should be guaranteed in
order to avoid creating degraded and congested urban environments. Absence of
explicit laws or regulations regarding the implementation of sustainability in Kuwait’s
building codes limits the application of sustainability strategy to the personal
interests of the owner or developer. [15] Also, buildings can never be
completely sustainable and green if they were not placed in a sustainable
context. On the other hand, traditional architecture examples are vanishing
quickly from Kuwait. The handful old buildings along the Gulf road are
disappearing amidst the new Traditional Village Development. Other
deteriorating traditional buildings are vanishing quickly and are in desperate
need for renovation and preservation.
Figure 22. Expression of Kuwaiti
Identity in Architecture.
Figure 23. New downtown towers.
Part 5: Conclusions
Forces of globalization were
most evident in the case of Kuwait during the Second Gulf War when the country
continued to exist economically and politically as a virtual country outside
its physical borders and was brought back to existence due to a global
intervention by the world community. This dramatic experience of invasion and
occupation for a brief period of time awakened the Kuwaitis sense of belonging
and identity. This was reflected on the architecture being produced in Kuwait
by local and Kuwaiti architects in their attempts to recognize and acknowledge
the heritage of traditional Kuwaiti architecture during the 1990's. While
state-of-the-art glass-box office buildings and classic style villa represent
influence of globalization, other examples illustrate attempts to incorporate
globalization and localization forces in their design and construction. The
efforts range from copying and pasting elements and forms from indigenous
architecture to sophisticated design that incorporate state-of-the-art
technologies with local expressions. A documentary titled “Kuwaiti
Architecture: A Lost Identity” depicts the development of architecture in Kuwait
and points to the importance of developing a Kuwaiti identity in architecture
from the point of view of a dozen Kuwaiti architects. Why did the need to
express a local identity by blending modernity and tradition arise? Is it a
real “need” or a “selling” strategy of new real-estate? During the fifties,
when Kuwait was transforming from a vernacular settlement into a modern planned
city, there was no requirement to blend tradition and modernity in the planning
of the new city. [17] The ambition was to join the modern world and break all
linkages with the past; including the traditional environment that was
associated with poverty and primitive living conditions. Today, the identity
expressed through the use of traditional style is viewed as a defence mechanism
against the domination of the sweeping identity of globalization.
Kuwait is experiencing, as in
other developing countries, the tension between the forces of globalization and
localization. On one hand, people are eager to enjoy the luxuries of modern
life that they can afford to have while at the same time retaining a cultural
identity and satisfying special social requirements. The clash of styles that
exists in the built environment in Kuwait is a product of the rapid process of
globalization that swept the country since the middle of the 20th
century. A dichotomy between cultural forces of globalization and localization
is shaping today's built environment, i.e. modern-traditional, Islamic-Western,
local-global. [18] While some architects employ fashionable styles of
architecture in order to integrate the local architecture into global trends,
others are trying to revive the traditional architectural style as a mean to
enforce the local identity and heritage. [19] [20] [21] [22] The resulting
built-environment lacks shared identity and sense of place. Buildings alone are
not sufficient to convey the cultural identity, the context of architecture
provided an important background against which architecture was understood. The
traditional city spaces provided an important dimension to the experience and
provided a meaningful reading of traditional architecture buildings. Identity
was always pluralistic, fluid and unstable and that it is continuously
constructed and reproduced by the collective imagination of the community.
Buildings constructed during
different periods of the development of Kuwait illustrate the state and
priorities of cultural identities at that time. For example, during the Sixties
and Seventies the interest of the country was to join the modernized world
utilizing the financial capabilities allowed for by the revenues of oil sales.
Buildings constructed during that period were designed according to modern and
international style approaches. During the Eighties the economic crisis of the
stock market reduced the financial capabilities of the country and the
individuals and produced buildings with basic structural and technological
necessities. The security crisis of the Nineties, due to the invasion and
liberation experience that Kuwait has passed through, promoted the renewed
interest in expressing a “genuine” cultural identity. The source of this
genuine cultural identity was thought to be found in traditional buildings and
lifestyle. Meanwhile, globalization is facilitating contact with other culture
and lifestyles, through ease of travel and communication, is adding to the
paradox of defining a “proper” cultural identity.
While cultures change rapidly
their architectural products remain unchanged expressing moments of cultural
change and development. Cultural identity is a meaning making process that
consolidates past traditions with contemporary conditions and desires. Multiple
identities may coexist at the same time representing different groups in the
society. [23] They may also shift from one state to another adjusting to
external pressures and circumstances. Kuwait is an example of hyper-identity
expressions in architecture that can be found in other Gulf countries and the
world. When searching for cultural identity, one should expect be find several
overlapping identities.
References:
[1] Gardiner, S., ”Kuwait: The
Making of a City,” Longman, London, United Kingdom.
[3] Vale, L., “Architecture,
Power, and National Identity,” Yale University Press, New Haven and London, United
Kingdom, 1992, pp. 209-235.
[4] Al-Bahar, H., ”Kuwait’s
Post-War Reconstruction,” MIMAR: Architecture in Development. London:
Concept Media Ltd., No. 40, 1991, pp. 14-17.
[5] Mahgoub, Y., “The Impact
of War on the Meaning of Architecture in Kuwait,” The International Journal
of Architectural Research, published online by Archnet-IJAR, Vol. 2, Issue
1, 2008, pp. 232-246.
[6] Kultermann, U.,
“Contemporary Architecture in the Arab States: Renaissance of a Region,” McGraw-Hill,
New York, USA, 1999.
[7] Bjorn , M., “Kuwait Tower,” MIMAR: Architecture in Development.
Singapore: Concept Media Ltd. No. 2, 1981, pp. 40-41.
[8] Shiber, S., “The Kuwait
Urbanization,” Kuwait Government Printing Press, Kuwait, 1964.
[9] Minoprio & Spencely
and Macfarlane, “Plan for the Town of Kuwait: Report to His Highness Shaikh
Abdulla Assalim Assubah, C.I.E. The Amir of Kuwait,” 1951.
[10] Al-Bahar, H.,
“Traditional Kuwaiti Houses’” MIMAR 13: Architecture in Development. Singapore:
Concept Media Ltd., No. 13, 1984, pp. 71-78.
[11] Mahgoub, Y., “Kuwait –
Learning From a Globalized City,” The Evolving Arab City, edited by Dr.
Yasser Elsheshtawy. Routledge, 2008, pp. 152-183.
[13] Mahgoub, Y., “The
Development of Private Housing in Kuwait: The Impact of Building Regulations,” Open
House International, Vol. 27 No. 2, 2002, pp. 47-62.
[14] Al-Kazemi, A. and Ali A.,
“Managerial problems in Kuwait,“ The Journal of Management Development,
Vol. 21, No. 5, 2002 , pp. 366-375.
[15] Mahgoub, Y. and Al Omaim,
A., “Tall Identity ... Lost Sustainability,” Viewpoints Special Edition:
Architecture and Urbanism in the Middle East, Middle East Institute,
Washington, DC, 2008. pp 37-40.
[17] Mahgoub, Y.,
“Architecture and the Expression of Cultural Identity in Kuwait,” The
Journal of Architecture, Vol. 12, No. 2, 2007,pp. 165-182.
[18] Castells, M., “The
Relationship between Globalization and Cultural Identity in the early 21st
Century,” Forum Barcelona, Spain, 2004.
[19] Al-Mutawa, S., “History
of Architecture in Old Kuwait City,” Al-Khat, Kuwait, 1994.
[20] Goodwin, G., “Saleh
Abdulghani Al-Mutawa: New Vision in Kuwait,” Alrabea Publishers, London, UK,
1997.
[21] Khattab, O., “Globalization
Versus Localization: Contemporary Architecture and the Arab City,” CTBUH
Review, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2001, pp. 56-68.
[22] Mahgoub, Y., “Cultural
Sustainability and Identity: The Case of Kuwait,” The International Journal
of Environmental, Cultural, Economic and Social Sustainability, Vol. 3, No.
1, 2007, pp.137-144.
[23] Mahgoub, Y.,
“Hyper-Identity: The Case of Kuwaiti Architecture,” The International
Journal of Architectural Research, Vol. 1 No. 1, 2007, pp. 70-84.
